By Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe
The works of Ambrosiaster, a Christian writing in Rome within the past due fourth century, have been influential on his close to contemporaries and through the center a long time. within the first 1/2 her examine, Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe addresses the matter of the author's mysterious id (which students have wondered over for hundreds of years) and locations him in a extensive ancient and highbrow context. within the moment part she addresses Ambrosiaster's political theology, an concept which has been explored in different past due Roman Christian writers yet which hasn't ever been addressed in his works. She appears to be like at how Ambrosiaster's attitudes to social and political order have been shaped at the foundation of theological ideas and the translation of scripture, and indicates that he espoused a inflexible hierarchical and monarchical association within the church, society, and the Roman empire. He additionally traced shut connections among the satan, characterised as a insurgent opposed to God, and the earthly tyrants and usurpers who his example.
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Extra resources for Ambrosiaster's Political Theology (Oxford Early Christian Studies)
7 It also raises two important questions: where were Ambrosiaster’s sympathies in the 3 G. Morin, ‘Hilarius l’Ambrosiaster’, RBe´n 20 (1903), 113–31. 4 Augustine, Contra Duas Epistulas Pelagianorum, 4. 4. 7, citing Ambrosiaster, Comm. , 5: 12. Various scholars before Morin had searched for an appropriate Hilary. Hilary of Poitiers, most likely to be dubbed sanctus by Augustine, is inappropriate on stylistic as well as dating grounds. Hilary the Luciferian deacon, mentioned by Jerome (Dialogue Against the Luciferians, 21), had rabid views on rebaptism nowhere found in Ambrosiaster, and it also seems unlikely that a Roman deacon would have written Quaestio 101 ‘on the arrogance of the Roman deacons’, or that Augustine would have dubbed a schismatic sanctus.
Augustiniana Traiectana (Paris, 1987), 29–30. 37 For a summary of Augustine’s other possible borrowings from Ambrosiaster, see Bastiaensen, ‘Les pre´de´cesseurs’, 27–30. 20 Ambrosiaster’s Writings and Identity Viris Illustribus (a list of the great achievements of literary men) and although he seems to have referred to parts of Ambrosiaster’s works elsewhere, he never attributed his references to a named author. 38 But there could be a less sinister explanation for the silence. 39 Jerome’s failure to name his sources could reXect the contemporary laissez-faire attitude to ransacking others’ works without acknowledgement, or perhaps he was simply unable to identify the author of these works because they circulated anonymously.
408 V. 11 Hoc Gloriae Vestrae, 8, PL 13, 580 V. (letter of the council of the Romans to Gratian and Valentinian, 378): ‘Sic denique factio profecit Ursini, ut Isaac Judaeo subornato, qui facto ad synagogam recursu coelestia mysteria profanavit, sancti fratris nostri Damasi peteretur caput . ’ 12 Liber PontiWcalis, 39. 13 Collectio Avellana, 1. 9. ’17 Isaac’s opposition to Damasus would have alienated members of Damasus’ party like Jerome. As we have seen, it is diYcult to establish the reason behind Jerome’s silence on Ambrosiaster; it could have been a concerted damnatio memoriae or a more innocent failure to attribute all Ambrosiaster’s works to a single named author.