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Before doing so, it is useful to briefly identify a few additional features of our data and the empirical models being estimated. To test the hypotheses discussed above, we utilize our data set on claims to disputed territory during the period 1919–1995 (Huth and Allee 2002). Within this data set, there are 348 territorial disputes, 147 of which are resolved through bilateral settlement agreements. It is these 147 negotiated territorial settlements that we are trying to predict. It is also useful to note that rounds of negotiations over disputed territory serve as our unit of analysis for examining decisions to reach negotiated settlement agreements.

Conversely, the coefficient for nondemocratic dyads is positive though not always statistically significant. 4 we find that negotiated settlement agreements are about 5 percent less likely between democratic states while 3 percent more likely between nondemocratic states. The second set of findings is that a history of diplomatic and military conflict reduces the likelihood of settlement agreements, as expected in PA2 and PA3. 3. 4. 5 we consider the results for the Political Norms Model. 16). The first hypothesis DN1 produces mixed results.

For centuries, people have left villages in the countryside to move to urban areas. , Barbadian plantations, Minnesotan farmsteads), has become strongly urban. , Chakravorty 2000; Friedmann 2002; Davis 2004), a number of cities have for many decades 38 DAVID SYLVAN attracted numerous migrants from other countries. They come, obviously, in search of employment, but which cities they in fact move to is affected to a significant degree by both national and local immigration policy. At the national level, states can affect immigration through a variety of means, from citizenship laws to permanent residence policy, law enforcement crackdowns, and visa requirements.

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